When Hate Is the New Normal

The murder of Mad Sandhu has stayed with me.

Not simply because a young, openly gay content creator was shot dead in Amritsar. Not simply because he was someone who had made a place for himself in the public eye by being unapologetically himself. And not simply because he was part of a community that I, too, belong to.

It has stayed with me because it has brought back a question I have been asking myself for some time:

What exactly are we celebrating in India today?

I have seen people repeatedly point to 2018 and say that unprecedented rights were “given” to LGBTQIA+ people by the government. But let us be precise about what happened.

In 2018, the Supreme Court of India decriminalised consensual sex between adults of the same sex by striking down the application of Section 377 to such relationships.

That was not a government bestowing a special favour upon gay people.

It was the judiciary recognising that gay people are human beings and that our fundamental rights cannot depend upon the sexual orientation of the majority.

And frankly, I struggle with the idea that this should be presented as some extraordinary achievement.

Being told that I am no longer a criminal for loving another consenting adult is not a privilege.

It is a basic human right.

It was a colonial criminalisation that should never have existed in the first place.

And decriminalisation is only the beginning.

I can have sex with another man without being a criminal. Wonderful.

But can my partner and I marry under Indian law?

No.

Can our relationship automatically provide us with the legal protections, inheritance rights, medical decision-making rights, pension rights and family rights that heterosexual married couples take for granted?

No.

Is there a comprehensive civil-union framework that recognises our relationships?

No.

Can a queer couple simply adopt jointly as a couple in the same way a married heterosexual couple can?

No.

The law has, in effect, told us:

You are not criminals. But neither are you fully recognised as families.

That distinction matters.

Because discrimination does not disappear merely because the criminal code stops punishing you.

And while we debate these questions in comfortable rooms and on social media, people continue to live with the consequences of hatred.

Mad Sandhu was openly gay. He was a public figure. He created content around LGBTQIA+ issues and had experienced homophobic abuse online. He was shot dead in Amritsar on 3 October.

At this point, we do not know whether his murder was legally a hate crime. The police investigation is ongoing, and there are several angles being examined, including previous tensions surrounding his social-media content.

But that uncertainty should not make us blind to the larger question.

Why should anyone have to wonder whether being visibly queer makes them a target?

I am a gay man.

I am also a content creator.

I have been creating content publicly for years. I know what it means to put a part of yourself on the internet and invite strangers into your life. I know what it means to be visible.

And perhaps that is why Mad Sandhu’s death feels particularly disturbing to me.

My grandmother’s surname was Sandhu. I come from a Sikh family on my father’s side and a Parsi family on my mother’s side. I have never really followed religion in the conventional sense. I have spent years reading about religion, questioning it, trying to understand it and trying to understand what it means to be a human being in a world in which people are willing to kill one another over competing ideas of God.

And one thing I have noticed repeatedly is that the most beautiful parts of religions are remarkably similar.

Love.

Compassion.

Charity.

Non-violence.

Human dignity.

Brotherhood.

The recognition that we are part of something larger than ourselves.

Yet somehow, so much of our public discourse has become the exact opposite.

We are encouraged to identify the person who is different from us.

The Muslim.

The Hindu.

The Sikh.

The Christian.

The queer person.

The woman who refuses to behave as society expects her to.

The person who speaks a different language.

The person whose politics are different from ours.

And once we have identified the “other”, we are encouraged to hate them.

I recently had a conversation with someone at my gym who seemed to believe that the only legitimate response to the problems created by Islamist extremism is to talk about Muslims, jihadis and the violence committed in the name of Islam.

I understand the anger at terrorism.

I condemn terrorism.

I condemn religious extremism.

I condemn the murder of innocent people regardless of who commits it or what God they claim to be acting for.

But I cannot accept the idea that violence becomes more acceptable because it is committed by someone whose religion, politics or identity I happen to agree with.

Violence is violence.

A murdered gay man does not become less worthy of justice because someone else can produce a list of crimes committed by Muslims.

A murdered Muslim does not become less worthy of justice because someone can produce a list of crimes committed by Hindus.

A raped woman does not become less worthy of justice because the accused belongs to a political party we support.

And a tree being cut down does not become less tragic because the project creating the destruction promises economic growth.

This is where I find our current discourse so deeply disturbing.

We have begun to confuse political loyalty with morality.

We are told to celebrate economic development, industrialisation and national power. But what happens when development destroys forests? What happens when rivers and groundwater are poisoned? What happens when habitats disappear? What happens when the air becomes unbreathable and the natural resources that sustain us become commodities?

What exactly have we gained then?

Money?

Infrastructure?

A bigger economy?

And what have we lost?

Clean air.

Clean water.

Forests.

Animals.

Biodiversity.

Beauty.

Perhaps most importantly, our sense of responsibility towards one another.

I also cannot accept the argument that because a government has done some things that I might agree with, I must therefore overlook everything else.

That is not how democracy is supposed to work.

A government is not a parent.

A political party is not a religion.

A prime minister is not a king.

And citizenship is not supposed to require gratitude.

We are supposed to question those who govern us.

We are supposed to demand accountability.

We are supposed to protect institutions.

We are supposed to defend the rights of minorities even when we are not members of those minorities ourselves.

And we are supposed to be able to say, “I support this policy, but I oppose that one.”

That is not betrayal.

That is democracy.

We are currently witnessing protests over allegations of electoral manipulation and voter suppression, including anger over changes to electoral rolls and demands for accountability from the Election Commission. These allegations must be investigated properly rather than simply accepted or dismissed according to our political loyalties.

Because democracy is not merely the act of voting.

Democracy is the belief that my vote matters.

That your vote matters.

That the person whose politics I despise has exactly the same right to participate in the democratic process as I do.

Without that principle, elections become theatre.

And that is dangerous for every one of us.

We have also seen the disturbing spectacle of convicted criminals occupying positions of political influence, as well as governments granting remission to convicted criminals in extraordinarily controversial circumstances. In the Bilkis Bano case, eleven men convicted of gang rape and murder were released early by the Gujarat government in 2022 before the Supreme Court overturned the remission and ordered them back to prison.

That episode should have forced all of us to ask an uncomfortable question:

Do we actually believe in justice, or do we believe in justice only when it happens to people we dislike?

I ask myself the same question.

Because I don’t want a country in which justice is determined by religion.

I don’t want a country in which justice is determined by political affiliation.

I don’t want a country in which justice is determined by sexuality.

I don’t want a country in which justice is determined by gender.

I don’t want a country in which justice is determined by caste, wealth or social status.

I want a country in which a human being’s humanity is enough.

And this is where my understanding of Hinduism also differs profoundly from the political version of Hinduism that is increasingly presented to us.

I am not Hindu, and I don’t claim to speak for Hinduism.

But I have read enough about India’s religious traditions to know that Hindu thought is extraordinarily diverse, internally argumentative and philosophically expansive. It contains traditions that have contemplated plurality, coexistence, questioning, debate and the possibility of approaching the divine in different ways.

I do not recognise the idea that Hinduism needs to become a rigid political identity defined primarily by whom we oppose.

Nor do I accept the remaking of Hindu thought into a narrow, exclusionary framework simply because that makes for effective political mobilisation.

Religion can be beautiful.

But the moment religion becomes an excuse for deciding that another human being is inherently inferior, something has gone terribly wrong.

And this isn’t really about Hinduism.

It is about us.

What kind of people are we becoming?

Because somewhere along the way, we seem to have forgotten that there is a difference between being right and being humane.

You can win an argument and still be cruel.

You can defeat your political opponent and still be unjust.

You can prove that another religion has extremists and still be a bigot.

You can condemn Islamist terrorism and still be incapable of condemning Hindu extremism.

You can celebrate the decriminalisation of homosexuality and still fail to fight for queer families.

You can call yourself progressive and still participate in misogyny.

You can call yourself religious and still behave in a manner completely opposed to the compassion your religion teaches.

And you can call yourself patriotic while destroying the very land, water, animals and people that make up the country you claim to love.

Mad Sandhu’s death has brought all of this back to the surface for me.

Because it is very easy to say, “This doesn’t affect me.”

Until it does.

It is easy to ignore homophobia when the victim is someone else.

It is easy to ignore religious hatred when the victim worships a different God.

It is easy to ignore misogyny when the woman being silenced is not someone you know.

It is easy to ignore environmental destruction when the tree being cut down isn’t outside your home.

It is easy to ignore attacks on democratic institutions when you believe your own political side will benefit.

Until one day, the hatred reaches your doorstep.

And then it is too late to wonder why nobody spoke.

So perhaps that is the question we should be asking ourselves now.

Not:

“What has this government given us?”

But:

“What kind of country are we building?”

A country where a gay man can be murdered for being visible?

A country where minorities are taught to fear majorities and majorities are taught to fear minorities?

A country where political loyalty is more important than truth?

A country where forests are expendable and rivers are commodities?

A country where women have to protest to be heard?

A country where democratic institutions are questioned but accountability is treated as political warfare?

Or a country where we finally understand that rights are not gifts handed down by governments.

They belong to us because we are human.

The right to love.

The right to live without fear.

The right to worship — or not worship.

The right to disagree.

The right to vote.

The right to dignity.

The right to exist.

These are not achievements that a government should expect gratitude for.

They are the minimum conditions of a humane society.

And perhaps Mad Sandhu’s death should make us stop and ask ourselves, before the next person is killed, silenced, raped, displaced, imprisoned, persecuted or simply forgotten:

What are we waiting for?

How much hatred do we need to witness?

How much blood do we need to see?

How close does violence need to come to our own front door before we decide that something has gone terribly wrong?

Because by then, it may already be too late.

When Two Judges Can Move Thousands of Dogs—but Five Judges Won’t Move on Marriage Equality

India just witnessed something extraordinary: a two-judge bench of the Supreme Court ordered Delhi–NCR to round up every stray dog and move them into shelters within eight weeks, warning of contempt for anyone who resists. The order, passed on 11 August 2025, explicitly rubbishes the government’s own Animal Birth Control (ABC) Rules, 2023—which require sterilise-vaccinate-return (SVR) and bar relocation. Meanwhile, on the fundamental question of marriage equality, a five-judge Constitution Bench in Supriyo v. Union of India (17 Oct 2023) declined to recognise same-sex marriage, saying Parliament must act. The contrast is stark—and troubling.       

The duplicity problem

• On stray dogs (2025): Multiple outlets report the Supreme Court directed MCD/NDMC/Noida/Gurugram/Ghaziabad to remove all street dogs to shelters and never release them back—contrary to ABC 2023’s core SVR principle. Reports also quote the bench calling the “sterilise and return” rule “absurd”, and warning NGOs not to obstruct. Subsequent coverage shows the CJI indicating the Court “will look into” conflicts with earlier SC positions that barred killing/relocation.     

• On marriage equality (2023): A five-judge bench held that recognising same-sex marriage under the Special Marriage Act is for Parliament, not the Court. The Court acknowledged discrimination against LGBTQ+ people but refused to read queer couples into the SMA, instead suggesting a government committee to consider limited benefits.    

If a two-judge bench can, in effect, override a central rule and upend the ABC policy nationwide (de facto, via a Delhi–NCR precedent), why was a five-judge bench unwilling to interpret the SMA to uphold equal citizenship? The institutional posture flips: muscular, near-legislative urgency for dogs; judicial restraint for queer families.

Why the dog order is legally and practically dangerous

• Conflicts with law & policy: The ABC Rules, 2023 (notified under the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Act) codify sterilisation, vaccination, and return to the same locality. They also provide for designated feeding points and humane management. The SC’s relocation directive collides with this framework.   

• Unworkable on the ground: Delhi–NCR lacks the shelter infrastructure to permanently house tens of thousands of dogs. Civic bodies and activists warn of overcrowding, disease, and cruelty if mass detention is attempted. Even cities outside NCR are saying they simply cannot emulate this model.   

• Counterproductive for public health: ABC’s SVR model is designed to reduce bites and rabies by stabilising territorial packs and maintaining vaccination coverage. Forced removals often trigger ecological gaps, influx of unvaccinated dogs, and more conflict.  

Given these risks, the Court’s willingness to make a sweeping, arguably suo motu-style intervention (as several reports characterise it) feels less like adjudication and more like policy-making.  

Meanwhile, queer couples are told to wait for Parliament

In Supriyo, the Court affirmed dignity and non-discrimination but declined to provide a workable remedy through interpretation—despite doing exactly that in many rights cases. It was content to ask the executive to study “benefits” while keeping the door shut on equal marriage and adoption. For LGBTQ+ Indians, the message is: your equality is a legislative grace, not a judicial guarantee.  

Is this about politics?

I worry this sudden, headline-grabbing “law-and-order” posture on dogs is a political distraction at a time when allegations about election integrity are flaring. Rahul Gandhi and the Congress have launched campaigns on “vote theft,” citing manipulation across dozens of constituencies and fake voters—charges that, if true, strike at the heart of democracy. These remain allegations, and must be investigated transparently; but the timing is conspicuous.   

What the record shows (for readers who want the receipts)

• Stray dog order (Aug 11, 2025): Reuters, Indian Express, DD News and others report the Court directed capture and relocation to shelters within eight weeks; follow-ups note possible review because of conflicting past orders.     

• ABC Rules, 2023 (Mar 10, 2023): Government-notified rules mandate sterilise-vaccinate-return, designated feeding areas, and humane management by local bodies/AWOs.   

• Marriage equality (Oct 17, 2023): Five-judge bench in Supriyo declines to recognise same-sex marriage; says Parliament must decide; suggests an executive committee for limited rights. Official judgment and reputable summaries available.   

• Election integrity claims (Aug 2025): Rahul Gandhi alleges “vote-chori” in 48 seats, protests announced; these are currently claims by the opposition, not findings by a court or inquiry.   

My stance

When courts flex power to reorder city life overnight—but plead restraint on core constitutional equality—the result feels like duplicity. Stray dogs are not pawns in a political game; they are sentient beings protected under our laws. Delhi–NCR should implement ABC 2023 rigorously—high-coverage sterilisation, mass anti-rabies vaccination, monitored feeding points, quick response to aggression—rather than unlawful, unscientific mass detention. And LGBTQ+ Indians deserve more than dignity in theory; they deserve equality in fact.

If we can uproot an entire animal-management regime with two signatures, surely we can find the constitutional courage to read equality into our marriage laws—or at the very least, to stop treating queer rights as someone else’s homework.

⸻

Note on sources & fairness: I’ve cited mainstream reporting, government notifications, and the Supriyo judgment. The bench composition and some characterisations (e.g., “absurd” remark on SVR) come from multiple reports; if the Court issues a formal clarification or stay, that will need to be reflected. Allegations of “vote theft” are presented as claims by Rahul Gandhi and the Congress, pending independent verification.         

Fear Is Not Justice

Monday, 11 August 2025 — the Supreme Court of India has ordered that all stray dogs in the Delhi–NCR region be rounded up within eight weeks and placed into shelters.

Eight weeks. Two months.

Anyone who loves or works with street dogs knows what this means. It means these fur-kids will be ripped away from the only streets, corners, and human connections they know. It means they will be shoved into overcrowded, filthy shelters run by corporations and municipalities that see them as a burden, not a life. It means fear, disease, abuse, and death.

I have seen how dogs are kept in Mumbai’s pounds. The conditions are appalling. They are treated like refuse, not sentient beings. And now, the same fate awaits thousands in Delhi.

I’ve seen this cruelty before

I can’t read this ruling without my mind racing back to the first dog I ever rescued.

I was seven or eight when a young white pup with brown markings wandered into my compound. She was small, shy, and beautiful. I gave her shelter in an abandoned car, fed her, and let her roam free when I was inside my house. She became part of the little group of dogs that hung around the building corner.

One afternoon, I heard her yelping. I ran to my bedroom window and saw the municipal van. Men had caged her and were lifting her into the back. I was eight years old — I didn’t know how to fight them. And then she was gone. I never saw her again. That helplessness burned itself into me. I still feel it. 

I had named her Diana.

Years later, I rescued another — a fawn-coloured pup with a stubby tail and the gentlest green eyes. He had wandered into my housing compound, where the security guard was beating him with a stick. I scooped him up and took him home. He was affectionate, trusting, full of fleas and love. I named him Bilbo. I already had two dogs then and my home was small, so I found a friend to adopt him. Giving him away was like tearing a piece of my heart out.

We have to remember:

Rabies doesn’t just happen.

Dog bites don’t just happen.

They happen because we — humans, governments, societies — have failed.

Because vaccination drives are abandoned halfway.

Because sterilisation projects are underfunded and poorly executed.

Because the budgets meant for animal welfare disappear into corrupt pockets.

We create the problem, and then we punish the victims of our neglect. And now, an entire population of innocent dogs is about to pay the price for decades of human carelessness.

When one dog attacks, the response shouldn’t be to round up every dog. That’s the same flawed thinking as branding all men violent because some commit rape, or branding an entire religion dangerous because of one extremist.

It is bigotry applied to animals. It is fear driving policy. And fear rarely chooses the right path.

The easy way is always the cruel way. There are other solutions. There always are.

• Mass sterilisation drives done properly and consistently.

• Continuous vaccination programmes.

• Feeding zones where dogs and people can safely co-exist.

• Shelters that are humane, healing spaces — not prisons of neglect.

But these require work. These require compassion. These require the slow, difficult path that governments rarely take because cruelty is easier. Cruelty can be done quickly, with a press release and a photo op.

I’m not even from Delhi, but this ruling has left me shaken and deeply sad. I’ve seen what happens when bureaucracy decides that an animal’s life has no worth.

I’ve lost hope for the system. I’ve lost hope in leaders. I’ve even lost hope in many people I once loved. I know there are protests, petitions, people fighting — and I am signing them, I am adding my name — but inside me, hope feels like a very faint and dying ember.

The truth is, the world has taught me that humans can live through genocides, the slaughter of innocents, and barely blink. If that is true for human lives, how much hope can I have for animals?

If this ruling were truly about public safety, it would start with fixing the systems that failed. It would start with funding sterilisation and vaccination programmes properly. It would start with auditing the budgets already spent — and stolen.

Instead, this ruling chooses the laziest path: punish the innocent because the guilty are untouchable.

We do not cull all men when women are raped. We do not round up all children when one commits a crime. But we are willing — in the blink of an eye — to round up all dogs when a few incidents occur. That is not justice. That is cowardice disguised as governance.

And let us be clear: fear is not a reason to abandon compassion. Fear is not an excuse to brutalise the defenceless. Fear should never be the guiding principle of a civilised society.

If you have power, you have a choice:

You can use it to protect the voiceless, or you can use it to destroy them. History will remember which you chose.

So, I will speak. I will speak for Diana. I will speak for Bilbo. I will speak for every street dog in Delhi and beyond who will be torn away from their familiar lives, confused, terrified, and caged.

It was never their fault. It was ours. And no court order will change that truth.

If I cannot stop this, I can at least refuse to be silent. Because silence, too, is a cruelty.